MOROCCAN ARABIC BORROWED CIRCUMFIX FROM BERBER: INVESTIGATING MORPHOLOGICAL CATEGORIES IN A LANGUAGE CONTACT SITUATION
Identifieur interne : 000019 ( Main/Exploration ); précédent : 000018; suivant : 000020MOROCCAN ARABIC BORROWED CIRCUMFIX FROM BERBER: INVESTIGATING MORPHOLOGICAL CATEGORIES IN A LANGUAGE CONTACT SITUATION
Auteurs : Georgia Zellou [États-Unis]Source :
- Linguistica : (Ljubljana) [ 0024-3922 ] ; 2011.
Descripteurs français
- Pascal (Inist)
- Wicri :
- topic : Emprunt.
English descriptors
- KwdEn :
Abstract
Moroccan Arabic (MA) has a derivational noun circumfix /ta-...-t/ that is borrowed from the neighboring Berber languages. This circumfix is highly productive on native MA noun stems but not productive on borrowed Berber stems (which are rare in MA). This pattern of productivity is taken to be evidence in support of direct borrowing of morphology (c.f. Steinkruger and Seifart 2009) and against a theory where borrowed morphology enters a language as part of unanalyzed complex forms which later spread to native stems (c.f. Thomason and Kaufman 1988; Thomason 2001); furthermore, it challenges the principle of a "borrowability hierarchy" (c.f. Haugen 1950) where lexical morphemes are borrowed before grammatical morphemes. Additionally, the prefixal portion of the MA circumfix, ta-, is a complex (presumably unanalyzed) form from the Berber /t-/ feminine + /a-/ absolute state. Moreover, the morpheme in MA has been borrowed as a derivational morpheme while the primary functions of the donor morphemes in Berber are inflectional. This case of a borrowed circumfix is examined as an instance which does not conform to traditional typologies of language change through contact patterns and how the boundaries between morphological categories (i.e. inflectional/derivational) are transformed in a language contact situation.
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This circumfix is highly productive on native MA noun stems but not productive on borrowed Berber stems (which are rare in MA). This pattern of productivity is taken to be evidence in support of direct borrowing of morphology (c.f. Steinkruger and Seifart 2009) and against a theory where borrowed morphology enters a language as part of unanalyzed complex forms which later spread to native stems (c.f. Thomason and Kaufman 1988; Thomason 2001); furthermore, it challenges the principle of a "borrowability hierarchy" (c.f. Haugen 1950) where lexical morphemes are borrowed before grammatical morphemes. Additionally, the prefixal portion of the MA circumfix, ta-, is a complex (presumably unanalyzed) form from the Berber /t-/ feminine + /a-/ absolute state. Moreover, the morpheme in MA has been borrowed as a derivational morpheme while the primary functions of the donor morphemes in Berber are inflectional. This case of a borrowed circumfix is examined as an instance which does not conform to traditional typologies of language change through contact patterns and how the boundaries between morphological categories (i.e. inflectional/derivational) are transformed in a language contact situation.</div></front></TEI><inist><standard h6="B"><pA><fA01 i1="01" i2="1"><s0>0024-3922</s0></fA01><fA03 i2="1"><s0>Linguistica : (Ljubl.)</s0></fA03><fA05><s2>51</s2></fA05><fA08 i1="01" i2="1" l="ENG"><s1>MOROCCAN ARABIC BORROWED CIRCUMFIX FROM BERBER: INVESTIGATING MORPHOLOGICAL CATEGORIES IN A LANGUAGE CONTACT SITUATION</s1></fA08><fA09 i1="01" i2="1" l="FRE"><s1>Les frontières internes et externes de la morphologie</s1></fA09><fA11 i1="01" i2="1"><s1>ZELLOU (Georgia)</s1></fA11><fA12 i1="01" i2="1"><s1>PERKO (Gregor)</s1><s9>ed.</s9></fA12><fA14 i1="01"><s1>University of Colorado Boulder</s1><s3>USA</s3><sZ>1 aut.</sZ></fA14><fA15 i1="01"><s1>Université de Ljubljana</s1><s3>SVN</s3><sZ>1 aut.</sZ></fA15><fA20><s1>231-243</s1></fA20><fA21><s1>2011</s1></fA21><fA23 i1="01"><s0>ENG</s0></fA23><fA24 i1="01"><s0>slv</s0></fA24><fA43 i1="01"><s1>INIST</s1><s2>25762</s2><s5>354000508638860140</s5></fA43><fA44><s0>0000</s0><s1>© 2012 INIST-CNRS. All rights reserved.</s1></fA44><fA45><s0>1 p.1/4</s0></fA45><fA47 i1="01" i2="1"><s0>12-0304480</s0></fA47><fA60><s1>P</s1></fA60><fA61><s0>A</s0></fA61><fA64 i1="01" i2="1"><s0>Linguistica : (Ljubljana)</s0></fA64><fA66 i1="01"><s0>SVN</s0></fA66><fC01 i1="01" l="ENG"><s0>Moroccan Arabic (MA) has a derivational noun circumfix /ta-...-t/ that is borrowed from the neighboring Berber languages. This circumfix is highly productive on native MA noun stems but not productive on borrowed Berber stems (which are rare in MA). This pattern of productivity is taken to be evidence in support of direct borrowing of morphology (c.f. Steinkruger and Seifart 2009) and against a theory where borrowed morphology enters a language as part of unanalyzed complex forms which later spread to native stems (c.f. Thomason and Kaufman 1988; Thomason 2001); furthermore, it challenges the principle of a "borrowability hierarchy" (c.f. Haugen 1950) where lexical morphemes are borrowed before grammatical morphemes. Additionally, the prefixal portion of the MA circumfix, ta-, is a complex (presumably unanalyzed) form from the Berber /t-/ feminine + /a-/ absolute state. Moreover, the morpheme in MA has been borrowed as a derivational morpheme while the primary functions of the donor morphemes in Berber are inflectional. This case of a borrowed circumfix is examined as an instance which does not conform to traditional typologies of language change through contact patterns and how the boundaries between morphological categories (i.e. inflectional/derivational) are transformed in a language contact situation.</s0></fC01><fC02 i1="01" i2="L"><s0>52424</s0><s1>IV</s1></fC02><fC02 i1="02" i2="L"><s0>524</s0></fC02><fC03 i1="01" i2="L" l="FRE"><s0>Catégorie morphologique</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>01</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="01" i2="L" l="ENG"><s0>Morphological category</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>01</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="02" i2="L" l="FRE"><s0>Contact de langues</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>02</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="02" i2="L" l="ENG"><s0>Language contact</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>02</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="03" i2="L" l="FRE"><s0>Emprunt</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>05</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="03" i2="L" l="ENG"><s0>Borrowing</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>05</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="04" i2="L" l="FRE"><s0>Morphologie</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>06</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="04" i2="L" l="ENG"><s0>Morphology</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>06</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="05" i2="L" l="FRE"><s0>Changement linguistique</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>10</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="05" i2="L" l="ENG"><s0>Linguistic change</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>10</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="06" i2="L" l="FRE"><s0>Sociolinguistique</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>11</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="06" i2="L" l="ENG"><s0>Sociolinguistics</s0><s2>NI</s2><s5>11</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="07" i2="L" l="FRE"><s0>Berbère</s0><s2>NL</s2><s5>16</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="07" i2="L" l="ENG"><s0>Berber</s0><s2>NL</s2><s5>16</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="08" i2="L" l="FRE"><s0>Arabe marocain</s0><s4>CD</s4><s5>96</s5></fC03><fC03 i1="08" i2="L" l="ENG"><s0>Moroccan Arabic</s0><s4>CD</s4><s5>96</s5></fC03><fN21><s1>233</s1></fN21></pA></standard></inist><affiliations><list><country><li>États-Unis</li></country></list><tree><country name="États-Unis"><noRegion><name sortKey="Zellou, Georgia" sort="Zellou, Georgia" uniqKey="Zellou G" first="Georgia" last="Zellou">Georgia Zellou</name></noRegion></country></tree></affiliations></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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